king, since no man would willingly have a groom that should
be in common between him and another.  Upon which the
good prince was forced to quit his new kingdom to one of his
friends (who was not long after dethroned), and to be con-
tented with his old one.  To this I would add that after all
those warlike attempts, the vast confusions, and the consump-
tion both of treasure and of people that must follow them; per-
haps upon some misfortune, they might be forced to throw up
all at last; therefore it seemed much more eligible that the King
should improve his ancient kingdom all he could, and make it
flourish as much as possible; that he should love his people,
and be beloved of them; that he should live among them, gov-
ern them gently, and let other kingdoms alone, since that which
had fallen to his share was big enough, if not too big for him.
Pray how do you think would such a speech as this be heard?"

   "I confess," said I, "I think not very well."

   "But what," said he, "if I should sort with another kind of
ministers, whose chief contrivances and consultations were,
by what art the prince's treasures might be increased.  Where
one proposes raising the value of specie when the King's debts
are large, and lowering it when his revenues were to come in,
that so he might both pay much with a little, and in a little
receive a great deal: another proposes a pretence of a war, that
money might be raised in order to carry it on, and that a peace
be concluded as soon as that was done; and this with such ap-
pearances of religion as might work on the people, and make
them impute it to the piety of their prince, and to his tenderness
for the lives of his subjects.  A third offers some old musty
laws, that have been antiquated by a long disuse; and which,
as they had been forgotten by all the subjects, so they had been
also broken by them; and proposes the levying the penalties of
these laws, that as it would bring in a vast treasure, so there
might be a very good pretence for it, since it would look like
the executing a law, and the doing of justice.  A fourth pro-
poses the prohibiting of many things under severe penalties,
especially such as were against the interest of the people, and
then the dispensing with these prohibitions upon great compo-
sitions, to those who might find their advantage in breaking
them.  This would serve two ends, both of them acceptable to
many; for as those whose avarice led them to transgress would
be severely fined, so the selling licenses dear would look as if a
prince were tender of his people, and would not easily, or at
low rates, dispense with anything that might be against the
public good.

   "Another proposes that the judges must be made sure, that
they may declare always in favor of the prerogative, that they
must be often sent for to court, that the King may hear them
argue those points in which he is concerned; since how unjust
soever any of his pretensions may be, yet still some one or other
of them, either out of contradiction to others or the pride of
singularity or to make their court, would find out some pre-
tence or other to give the King a fair color to carry the point:
for if the judges but differ in opinion, the clearest thing in the
world is made by that means disputable, and truth being once
brought in question, the King may then take advantage to ex-
pound the law for his own profit; while the judges that stand
out will be brought over, either out of fear or modesty; and
they being thus gained, all of them may be sent to the bench to
give sentence boldly, as the King would have it; for fair pre-
tences will never be wanting when sentence is to be given in the
prince's favor.  It will either be said that equity lies on his side,
or some words in the law will be found sounding that way,
or some forced sense will be put on them; and when all other
things fail, the King's undoubted prerogative will be pretended,
as that which is above all law; and to which a religious judge
ought to have a special regard.

   "Thus all consent to that maxim of Crassus, that a prince
cannot have treasure enough, since he must maintain his armies
out of it: that a king, even though he would, can do nothing
unjustly; that all property is in him, not excepting the very
persons of his subjects: and that no man has any other prop-
erty, but that which the King out of his goodness thinks fit to
leave him.  And they think it is the prince's interest, that there
be as little of this left as may be, as if it were his advantage that
his people should have neither riches nor liberty; since these
things make them less easy and less willing to submit to a cruel
and unjust government; whereas necessity and poverty blunt
them, make them patient, beat them down, and break that
height of spirit, that might otherwise dispose them to rebel.
Now what if after all these propositions were made, I should
rise up and assert, that such councils were both unbecoming
a king, and mischievous to him: and that not only his honor
but his safety consisted more in his people's wealth, than in his
own; if I should show that they choose a king for their own
sake, and not for his; that by his care and endeavors they may
be both easy and safe; and that therefore a prince ought to take
more care of his people's happiness than of his own, as a shep-
herd is to take more care of his flock than of himself.

   "It is also certain that they are much mistaken that think the
poverty of a nation is a means of the public safety.  Who quar-
rel more than beggars?  Who does more earnestly long for a
change, than he that is uneasy in his present circumstances?
And who run to create confusions with so desperate a boldness,
as those who have nothing to lose hope to gain by them?  If
a king should fall under such contempt or envy, that he could