apply himself with no less care and industry to the rooting out of
these immoralities than to the extirpation of sects. But if anyone
do otherwise, and whilst he is cruel and implacable towards those that
differ from him in opinion, he be indulgent to such iniquities and
immoralities as are unbecoming the name of a Christian, let such a one
talk never so much of the Church, he plainly demonstrates by his
actions that it is another kingdom he aims at and not the
advancement of the kingdom of God.

  * Gal. 5.

  That any man should think fit to cause another man- whose
salvation he heartily desires- to expire in torments, and that even in
an unconverted state, would, I confess, seem very strange to me, and I
think, to any other also. But nobody, surely, will ever believe that
such a carriage can proceed from charity, love, or goodwill. If anyone
maintain that men ought to be compelled by fire and sword to profess
certain doctrines, and conform to this or that exterior worship,
without any regard had unto their morals; if anyone endeavour to
convert those that are erroneous unto the faith, by forcing them to
profess things that they do not believe and allowing them to
practise things that the Gospel does not permit, it cannot be
doubted indeed but such a one is desirous to have a numerous
assembly joined in the same profession with himself; but that he
principally intends by those means to compose a truly Christian Church
is altogether incredible. It is not, therefore, to be wondered at if
those who do not really contend for the advancement of the true
religion, and of the Church of Christ, make use of arms that do not
belong to the Christian warfare. If, like the Captain of our
salvation, they sincerely desired the good of souls, they would
tread in the steps and follow the perfect example of that Prince of
Peace, who sent out His soldiers to the subduing of nations, and
gathering them into His Church, not armed with the sword, or other
instruments of force, but prepared with the Gospel of peace and with
the exemplary holiness of their conversation. This was His method.
Though if infidels were to be converted by force, if those that are
either blind or obstinate were to be drawn off from their errors by
armed soldiers, we know very well that it was much more easy for Him
to do it with armies of heavenly legions than for any son of the
Church, how potent soever, with all his dragoons.

  The toleration of those that differ from others in matters of
religion is so agreeable to the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and to the
genuine reason of mankind, that it seems monstrous for men to be so
blind as not to perceive the necessity and advantage of it in so clear
a light. I will not here tax the pride and ambition of some, the
passion and uncharitable zeal of others. These are faults from which
human affairs can perhaps scarce ever be perfectly freed; but yet such
as nobody will bear the plain imputation of, without covering them
with some specious colour; and so pretend to commendation, whilst they
are carried away by their own irregular passions. But, however, that
some may not colour their spirit of persecution and unchristian
cruelty with a pretence of care of the public weal and observation
of the laws; and that others, under pretence of religion, may not seek
impunity for their libertinism and licentiousness; in a word, that
none may impose either upon himself or others, by the pretences of
loyalty and obedience to the prince, or of tenderness and sincerity in
the worship of God; I esteem it above all things necessary to
distinguish exactly the business of civil government from that of
religion and to settle the just bounds that lie between the one and
the other. If this be not done, there can be no end put to the
controversies that will be always arising between those that have,
or at least pretend to have, on the one side, a concernment for the
interest of men's souls, and, on the other side, a care of the
commonwealth.

  The commonwealth seems to me to be a society of men constituted only
for the procuring, preserving, and advancing their own civil
interests.

  Civil interests I call life, liberty, health, and indolency of body;
and the possession of outward things, such as money, lands, houses,
furniture, and the like.

  It is the duty of the civil magistrate, by the impartial execution
of equal laws, to secure unto all the people in general and to every
one of his subjects in particular the just possession of these
things belonging to this life. If anyone presume to violate the laws
of public justice and equity, established for the preservation of
those things, his presumption is to be checked by the fear of
punishment, consisting of the deprivation or diminution of those civil
interests, or goods, which otherwise he might and ought to enjoy.
But seeing no man does willingly suffer himself to be punished by
the deprivation of any part of his goods, and much less of his liberty
or life, therefore, is the magistrate armed with the force and
strength of all his subjects, in order to the punishment of those that
violate any other man's rights.

  Now that the whole jurisdiction of the magistrate reaches only to
these civil concernments, and that all civil power, right and
dominion, is bounded and confined to the only care of promoting
these things; and that it neither can nor ought in any manner to be
extended to the salvation of souls, these following considerations
seem unto me abundantly to demonstrate.

  First, because the care of souls is not committed to the civil
magistrate, any more than to other men. It is not committed unto
him, I say, by God; because it appears not that God has ever given any
such authority to one man over another as to compel anyone to his
religion. Nor can any such power be vested in the magistrate by the