through the country, the Jerseys had never been ravaged. Once more
we are again collected and collecting; our new army at both ends of
the continent is recruiting fast, and we shall be able to open the
next campaign with sixty thousand men, well armed and clothed. This is
our situation, and who will may know it. By perseverance and fortitude
we have the prospect of a glorious issue; by cowardice and submission,
the sad choice of a variety of evils- a ravaged country- a depopulated
city- habitations without safety, and slavery without hope- our
homes turned into barracks and bawdy-houses for Hessians, and a future
race to provide for, whose fathers we shall doubt of. Look on this
picture and weep over it! and if there yet remains one thoughtless
wretch who believes it not, let him suffer it unlamented.

                                                   COMMON SENSE.

  December 23, 1776.

                                 II.

                            TO LORD HOWE.

           "What's in the name of lord, that I should fear

           To bring my grievance to the public ear?"

                                                 CHURCHILL.

  UNIVERSAL empire is the prerogative of a writer. His concerns are
with all mankind, and though he cannot command their obedience, he can
assign them their duty. The Republic of Letters is more ancient than
monarchy, and of far higher character in the world than the vassal
court of Britain; he that rebels against reason is a real rebel, but
he that in defence of reason rebels against tyranny has a better title
to "Defender of the Faith," than George the Third.

  As a military man your lordship may hold out the sword of war, and
call it the "ultima ratio regum": the last reason of kings; we in
return can show you the sword of justice, and call it "the best
scourge of tyrants." The first of these two may threaten, or even
frighten for a while, and cast a sickly languor over an insulted
people, but reason will soon recover the debauch, and restore them
again to tranquil fortitude. Your lordship, I find, has now
commenced author, and published a proclamation; I have published a
Crisis. As they stand, they are the antipodes of each other; both
cannot rise at once, and one of them must descend; and so quick is the
revolution of things, that your lordship's performance, I see, has
already fallen many degrees from its first place, and is now just
visible on the edge of the political horizon.

  It is surprising to what a pitch of infatuation, blind folly and
obstinacy will carry mankind, and your lordship's drowsy
proclamation is a proof that it does not even quit them in their
sleep. Perhaps you thought America too was taking a nap, and therefore
chose, like Satan to Eve, to whisper the delusion softly, lest you
should awaken her. This continent, sir, is too extensive to sleep
all at once, and too watchful, even in its slumbers, not to startle at
the unhallowed foot of an invader. You may issue your proclamations,
and welcome, for we have learned to "reverence ourselves," and scorn
the insulting ruffian that employs you. America, for your deceased
brother's sake, would gladly have shown you respect and it is a new
aggravation to her feelings, that Howe should be forgetful, and
raise his sword against those, who at their own charge raised a
monument to his brother. But your master has commanded, and you have
not enough of nature left to refuse. Surely there must be something
strangely degenerating in the love of monarchy, that can so completely
wear a man down to an ingrate, and make him proud to lick the dust
that kings have trod upon. A few more years, should you survive
them, will bestow on you the title of "an old man": and in some hour
of future reflection you may probably find the fitness of Wolsey's
despairing penitence- "had I served my God as faithful as I have
served my king, he would not thus have forsaken me in my old age."

  The character you appear to us in, is truly ridiculous. Your
friends, the Tories, announced your coming, with high descriptions
of your unlimited powers; but your proclamation has given them the
lie, by showing you to be a commissioner without authority. Had your
powers been ever so great they were nothing to us, further than we
pleased; because we had the same right which other nations had, to
do what we thought was best. "The UNITED STATES of AMERICA," will
sound as pompously in the world or in history, as "the kingdom of
Great Britain"; the character of General Washington will fill a page
with as much lustre as that of Lord Howe: and the Congress have as
much right to command the king and Parliament in London to desist from
legislation, as they or you have to command the Congress. Only suppose
how laughable such an edict would appear from us, and then, in that
merry mood, do but turn the tables upon yourself, and you will see how
your proclamation is received here. Having thus placed you in a proper
position in which you may have a full view of your folly, and learn to
despise it, I hold up to you, for that purpose, the following
quotation from your own lunarian proclamation.- "And we (Lord Howe and
General Howe) do command (and in his majesty's name forsooth) all such
persons as are assembled together, under the name of general or
provincial congresses, committees, conventions or other
associations, by whatever name or names known and distinguished, to
desist and cease from all such treasonable actings and doings."

  You introduce your proclamation by referring to your declarations of
the 14th of July and 19th of September. In the last of these you
sunk yourself below the character of a private gentleman. That I may
not seem to accuse you unjustly, I shall state the circumstance: by