stroke on the freedom of her commerce, to pass without a balance.

  We admit the right of any nation to prohibit the commerce of another
into its own dominions, where there are no treaties to the contrary;
but as this right belongs to one side as well as the other, there is
always a way left to bring avarice and insolence to reason.

  But the ground of security which Lord Sheffield has chosen to
erect his policy upon, is of a nature which ought, and I think must,
awaken in every American a just and strong sense of national
dignity. Lord Sheffield appears to be sensible, that in advising the
British nation and Parliament to engross to themselves so great a part
of the carrying trade of America, he is attempting a measure which
cannot succeed, if the politics of the United States be properly
directed to counteract the assumption.

  But, says he, in his pamphlet, "It will be a long time before the
American states can be brought to act as a nation, neither are they to
be feared as such by us."

  What is this more or less than to tell us, that while we have no
national system of commerce, the British will govern our trade by
their own laws and proclamations as they please. The quotation
discloses a truth too serious to be overlooked, and too mischievous
not to be remedied.

  Among other circumstances which led them to this discovery none
could operate so effectually as the injudicious, uncandid and indecent
opposition made by sundry persons in a certain state, to the
recommendations of Congress last winter, for an import duty of five
per cent. It could not but explain to the British a weakness in the
national power of America, and encourage them to attempt
restrictions on her trade, which otherwise they would not have dared
to hazard. Neither is there any state in the union, whose policy was
more misdirected to its interest than the state I allude to, because
her principal support is the carrying trade, which Britain, induced by
the want of a well-centred power in the United States to protect and
secure, is now attempting to take away. It fortunately happened (and
to no state in the union more than the state in question) that the
terms of peace were agreed on before the opposition appeared,
otherwise, there cannot be a doubt, that if the same idea of the
diminished authority of America had occurred to them at that time as
has occurred to them since, but they would have made the same grasp at
the fisheries, as they have done at the carrying trade.

  It is surprising that an authority which can be supported with so
much ease, and so little expense, and capable of such extensive
advantages to the country, should be cavilled at by those whose duty
it is to watch over it, and whose existence as a people depends upon
it. But this, perhaps, will ever be the case, till some misfortune
awakens us into reason, and the instance now before us is but a gentle
beginning of what America must expect, unless she guards her union
with nicer care and stricter honor. United, she is formidable, and
that with the least possible charge a nation can be so; separated, she
is a medley of individual nothings, subject to the sport of foreign
nations.

  It is very probable that the ingenuity of commerce may have found
out a method to evade and supersede the intentions of the British,
in interdicting the trade with the West India islands. The language of
both being the same, and their customs well understood, the vessels of
one country may, by deception, pass for those of another. But this
would be a practice too debasing for a sovereign people to stoop to,
and too profligate not to be discountenanced. An illicit trade,
under any shape it can be placed, cannot be carried on without a
violation of truth. America is now sovereign and independent, and
ought to conduct her affairs in a regular style of character. She
has the same right to say that no British vessel shall enter ports, or
that no British manufactures shall be imported, but in American
bottoms, the property of, and navigated by American subjects, as
Britain has to say the same thing respecting the West Indies. Or she
may lay a duty of ten, fifteen, or twenty shillings per ton (exclusive
of other duties) on every British vessel coming from any port of the
West Indies, where she is not admitted to trade, the said tonnage to
continue as long on her side as the prohibition continues on the
other.

  But it is only by acting in union, that the usurpations of foreign
nations on the freedom of trade can be counteracted, and security
extended to the commerce of America. And when we view a flag, which to
the eye is beautiful, and to contemplate its rise and origin
inspires a sensation of sublime delight, our national honor must unite
with our interest to prevent injury to the one, or insult to the
other.

                                                   COMMON SENSE.

  NEW YORK, December 9, 1783.

                               THE END
.