and even should be granted, I ask, as a reasonable question,
By what means is such a corrupt and faithless court to be kept
to its engagements?  Another parliament, nay, even the present,
may hereafter repeal the obligation, on the pretense,
of its being violently obtained, or unwisely granted;
and in that case, Where is our redress?--No going to law
with nations; cannon are the barristers of Crowns;
and the sword, not of justice, but of war, decides the suit.
To be on the footing of sixty-three, it is not sufficient,
that the laws only be put on the same state, but, that our circumstances,
likewise, be put on the same state; Our burnt and destroyed towns repaired
or built up, our private losses made good, our public debts
(contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise, we shall be millions
worse than we were at that enviable period.  Such a request,
had it been complied with a year ago, would have won the heart
and soul of the Continent - but now it is too late, "The Rubicon is passed."

Besides, the taking up arms, merely to enforce the repeal
of a pecuniary law, seems as unwarrantable by the divine law,
and as repugnant to human feelings, as the taking up arms
to enforce obedience thereto.  The object, on either side, doth not
justify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable
to be cast away on such trifles.  It is the violence which is done
and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our property
by an armed force; the invasion of our country by fire and sword,
which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: And the instant, in which
such a mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to Britain ought
to have ceased; and the independancy of America, should have been considered,
as dating its aera from, and published by, THE FIRST MUSKET THAT WAS FIRED
AGAINST HER.  This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice,
nor extended by ambition; but produced by a chain of events,
of which the colonies were not the authors.

I shall conclude these remarks with the following timely
and well intended hints.  We ought to reflect, that there are
three different ways by which an independancy may hereafter
be effected; and that ONE of those THREE, will one day or other,
be the fate of America, viz.  By the legal voice of the people
in Congress; by a military power; or by a mob--It may not always
happen that OUR soldiers are citizens, and the multitude
a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked,
is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual.  Should an independancy
be brought about by the first of those means, we have every
opportunity and every encouragement before us, to form the
noblest purest constitution on the face of the earth.  We have
it in our power to begin the world over again.  A situation,
similar to the present, hath not happened since the days
of Noah until now.  The birthday of a new world is at hand,
and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains,
are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months.
The Reflexion is awful--and in this point of view, How trifling,
how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavillings, of a few weak
or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world.

Should we neglect the present favourable and inviting period,
and an Independance be hereafter effected by any other means,
we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather,
whose narrow and prejudiced souls, are habitually opposing the measure,
without either inquiring or reflecting.  There are reasons to be given
in support of Independance, which men should rather privately think of,
than be publicly told of.  We ought not now to be debating whether
we shall be independant or not, but, anxious to accomplish it on a firm,
secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not yet began upon.
Every day convinces us of its necessity.  Even the Tories (if such beings
yet remain among us) should, of all men, be the most solicitous to promote it;
for, as the appointment of committees at first, protected them from
popular rage, so, a wise and well established form of government,
will be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them.
WHEREFORE, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS,
they ought to have prudence enough to wish for Independance.

In short, Independance is the only BOND that can tye and keep
us together.  We shall then see our object, and our ears will
be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well,
as a cruel enemy.  We shall then too, be on a proper footing,
to treat with Britain; for there is reason to conclude,
that the pride of that court, will be less hurt by treating
with the American states for terms of peace, than with those,
whom she denominates, "rebellious subjects," for terms of accommodation.
It is our delaying it that encourages her to hope for conquest, and our
backwardness tends only to prolong the war.  As we have, without any good
effect therefrom, withheld our trade to obtain a redress of our grievances,
let us now try the alternative, by independantly redressing them ourselves,
and then offering to open the trade.  The mercantile and reasonable part
in England, will be still with us; because, peace with trade, is preferable
to war without it.  And if this offer be not accepted, other courts
may be applied to.

On these grounds I rest the matter.  And as no offer hath
yet been made to refute the doctrine contained in the former
editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either
the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the party in favour
of it are too numerous to be opposed.  WHEREFORE, instead
of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity;
let each of us, hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of
friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of
oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissension.
Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other
be heard among us, than those of A GOOD CITIZEN,
AN OPEN AND RESOLUTE FRIEND, AND A VIRTUOUS SUPPORTER