FOR PART ONE AND PART TWO

  1. The main and uniform maxim of the judges is, the greater the
truth the greater the libel.

  2. Since writing the above, two other places occur in Mr. Burke's
pamphlet in which the name of the Bastille is mentioned, but in the
same manner. In the one he introduces it in a sort of obscure
question, and asks: "Will any ministers who now serve such a king,
with but a decent appearance of respect, cordially obey the orders
of those whom but the other day, in his name, they had committed to
the Bastille?" In the other the taking it is mentioned as implying
criminality in the French guards, who assisted in demolishing it.
"They have not," says he, "forgot the taking the king's castles at
Paris." This is Mr. Burke, who pretends to write on constitutional
freedom.

  3. I am warranted in asserting this, as I had it personally from
M. de la Fayette, with whom I lived in habits of friendship for
fourteen years.

  4. An account of the expedition to Versailles may be seen in No.
13 of the Revolution de Paris containing the events from the 3rd to
the 10th of October, 1789.

  5. It is a practice in some parts of the country, when two
travellers have but one horse, which, like the national purse, will
not carry double, that the one mounts and rides two or three miles
ahead, and then ties the horse to a gate and walks on. When the second
traveller arrives he takes the horse, rides on, and passes his
companion a mile or two, and ties again, and so on- Ride and tie.

  6. The word he used was renvoye, dismissed or sent away.

  7. When in any country we see extraordinary circumstances taking
place, they naturally lead any man who has a talent for observation
and investigation, to enquire into the causes. The manufacturers of
Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, are the principal manufacturers
in England. From whence did this arise? A little observation will
explain the case. The principal, and the generality of the inhabitants
of those places, are not of what is called in England, the church
established by law: and they, or their fathers, (for it is within
but a few years) withdrew from the persecution of the chartered towns,
where test-laws more particularly operate, and established a sort of
asylum for themselves in those places. It was the only asylum that
then offered, for the rest of Europe was worse.- But the case is now
changing. France and America bid all comers welcome, and initiate them
into all the rights of citizenship. Policy and interest, therefore,
will, but perhaps too late, dictate in England, what reason and
justice could not. Those manufacturers are withdrawing, and arising in
other places. There is now erecting in Passey, three miles from Paris,
a large cotton manufactory, and several are already erected in
America. Soon after the rejecting the Bill for repealing the test-law,
one of the richest manufacturers in England said in my hearing,
"England, Sir, is not a country for a dissenter to live in,- we must
go to France." These are truths, and it is doing justice to both
parties to tell them. It is chiefly the dissenters that have carried
English manufactures to the height they are now at, and the same men
have it in their power to carry them away; and though those
manufactures would afterwards continue in those places, the foreign
market will be lost. There frequently appear in the London Gazette,
extracts from certain acts to prevent machines and persons, as far
as they can extend to persons, from going out of the country. It
appears from these that the ill effects of the test-laws and
church-establishment begin to be much suspected; but the remedy of
force can never supply the remedy of reason. In the progress of less
than a century, all the unrepresented part of England, of all
denominations, which is at least an hundred times the most numerous,
may begin to feel the necessity of a constitution, and then all
those matters will come regularly before them.

  8. When the English Minister, Mr. Pitt, mentions the French finances
again in the English Parliament, it would be well that he noticed this
as an example.

  9. Mr. Burke, (and I must take the liberty of telling him that he is
very unacquainted with French affairs), speaking upon this subject,
says, "The first thing that struck me in calling the States-General,
was a great departure from the ancient course";- and he soon after
says, "From the moment I read the list, I saw distinctly, and very
nearly as it has happened, all that was to follow."- Mr. Burke
certainly did not see an that was to follow. I endeavoured to
impress him, as well before as after the States-General met, that
there would be a revolution; but was not able to make him see it,
neither would he believe it. How then he could distinctly see all
the parts, when the whole was out of sight, is beyond my
comprehension. And with respect to the "departure from the ancient
course," besides the natural weakness of the remark, it shows that
he is unacquainted with circumstances. The departure was necessary,
from the experience had upon it, that the ancient course was a bad
one. The States-General of 1614 were called at the commencement of the
civil war in the minority of Louis XIII.; but by the class of
arranging them by orders, they increased the confusion they were
called to compose. The author of L'Intrigue du Cabinet, (Intrigue of
the Cabinet), who wrote before any revolution was thought of in
France, speaking of the States-General of 1614, says, "They held the
public in suspense five months; and by the questions agitated therein,
and the heat with which they were put, it appears that the great
(les grands) thought more to satisfy their particular passions, than
to procure the goods of the nation; and the whole time passed away